Iran arrests 11 behind deadly bus ambush

TEHRAN, June 1 (Reuters) - Iran's Intelligence Ministry said on Sunday it had arrested 11 members of a terrorist group with foreign links behind an ambush in which a cleric was killed and seven other people were wounded, a news agency said.The attack on a bus in a southwestern province took place in the Iranian month which ended on April 19, the semi-official Mehr News Agency said.

The killed cleric was from a town in the eastern province of Khorassan.The Intelligence Ministry's "agents succeeded in taking in 11 members of the terrorist, mercenary band linked to foreigners in a number of operations", it said, without giving further details.The Islamic Republic has in the past accused the United States and Britain of trying to destabilise Iran by supporting rebels, mainly those in sensitive border areas.

Last month, Iran made an official protest to the United States, via a Swiss intermediary, about what Tehran says is Washington's support for a group blamed for bombing an Iranian mosque.Iran has said the United States, Britain and Israel were involved in the explosion in a mosque in the southern city of Shiraz in April that killed 14 people and wounded 200.Iran and the United States have not had diplomatic ties since 1980.

They are now embroiled in disputes over Iran's nuclear plans, which Washington says are aimed at building bombs, and what U.S. officials say is Iranian meddling in Iraq. Tehran denies both charges. (Reporting by Hashem Kalantari; Writing by Fredrik Dahl; Editing by Giles Elgood)

Iranian security kidnapped two brothers of man who executed in Ahwaz

Iranian minorities’ human right organisation (IMHRO)

Ref.IMHRO.02

2008-02-04

Two brothers of Zamel Bavi who executed at 5 pm in Ahwaz had kidnapped by Iranian security.

Mohsen age 35 and Emad (Sohrab) age 29 both kidnapped just hours after their brothers Zamel had executed in Ahwaz Prison.

Zamel Bavi who was 29 with one child and shopkeeper after spending 2 years and half in solitary confinement executed at 5 PM in Ahwaz prison.

His sister told IMHRO that main charge against his brother was that he had a traditional Arabic wedding and wearing Arabic dresses. “He was not involved in any activities”

Zamel Bavi faced second interrogation by Iranian security after they found his first confession was not enough to executing him.

Interrogation in Iran by security forces usually means subjection to torture.

Four days after his execution finally Iranian government allowed his family to burry him. All the funeral process was attended by security forces. Also they asked his family to not have any gathering as usually gathering after death is a big event in Ahwaz.

There is a fear that Iranian government wants to harm this two young brothers.

Background
Oil and gas rich area of Ahwaz is home land of 5 million Arabs. In recent year’s suppression of Iranian government increased. Since uprising of Ahwazi people in 2005 many had arrested and at least 20 people are known to have executed since then. Various human right organisations estimated that number of killed are much higher.

Land confiscation by government is the other source of tension. Government forced many Arab farmers to leave their land without and compensations. Those land then used for new towns and industrial area employed by non indigenous Arabs.

Although About %85 of Iranian revenue comes from this area, Iranian government and parliament refused to spent %1 of it in area.
Unemployment is high and above national average. Ahwaz human right organisation reported thousand of Ahwazi Arabs arrested in recent years. Last month four Ahwazi Arabs had hanged.

Prisoners often do not access to lawyer and trial happened in secret. Detainee kept in solitary confinement till his trial date and goes under different type of torture. Confession under torture is valid in Iran.

Take action
Write to the following organisations and express your concern about Ahwazi prisoners and call on Iranian authority to release Ahwazi prisoners of concise including two brothers of Mohsen and Emad (Sohrab) Bavi and stopping execution of Arab Ahwazi. Ask the world to hold Iranian government to account for their brutality.

High Commissioner for Human Rights
Mrs. Louise Arbour
High Commissioner for Human Rights
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Palais des Nations CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland

Supreme leader of Iran
Sayyed Ali Khamenei
E-mail via web site
http://www.leader.ir/

Iranian president
Mahmud Ahmadinejad
E-mail via web site
http://www.president.ir/en/

Chairwomen of Human Rights Committee in European Parliament
Mrs Hélène FLAUTRE
Chairwomen of human rights committee in European parliament
Bureau d'Hélène Flautre au Parlement européen8G130, rue WierzB-1049, Bruxelles, Belgique

Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Mahmud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh / Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran

Rights group: Syrian authorities detained Iranian Arab

DAMASCUS, Syria: Syrian authorities have arrested an Iranian Arab suspected of having links with an Iranian opposition group and there are concerns he might be handed over to Iran, a local human rights group said Wednesday.



The National Organization for Human Rights in Syria said that Mohammad Nohairi Bani-Skini, 36, was detained Jan. 22 from the Syrian Department of Passports and Migration in Damascus, where he had gone to stamp his passport before leaving to Sweden as a refugee.



NOHR said Bani-Skini — a registered refugee with the United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugees — was first held at the department's prison before being taken to an unknown destination. He was accepted as a refugee by Sweden where he had planned to travel on Feb. 4, it added.



The group said his detention violates "all international conventions ... particularly as Bani-Skini enjoys the protection of the UNHCR." It urged Syrian authorities to release him immediately and expressed concerns that he might be handed over to the Iranian government on suspicion of having links with an opposition group in the southern Iranian province of Ahwaz. It did not name the group.
The NOHR report could not be independently confirmed. Syrian officials do not usually comment on arrests or other security matters. Syria and Iran are close allies.

Further Information

PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/036/2008
07 February 2008

Further Information on UA 301/06 (MDE 13/126/2006, 13 November 2006) and follow-up (MDE 13/123/2006, 7 December 2006; MDE 13/142/2006, 22 December 2006; MDE 13/006/2

07, 25 January 2007

and MDE 13/042/2007, 03 April 2007) - Fear of imminent execution

IRAN
Abdulreza Sanawati Zergani (m)
Abdul Husain Haribi (m)
Ahmad Maramazi (m), previously named as Husain Maramazi
Husain Asakreh (m)
The four men named above were reportedly executed in a prison in Khuzestan. Abdulreza Sanawati Zergani was executed at dawn on 13 November 2007 and the three other men, Abdul Husain Haribi, Ahmad Maramazi and Husain Asakreh were executed on 30 December 2007. They had all been sentenced to death in connection with involvement in bomb explosions which took place in major cities in Khuzestan Province in 2005.

Abdulreza Sanawati Zergani was amongst seven men named on 10 January 2007 by three leading UN human rights experts - Philip Alston, UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; Leandro Despouy, UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, and Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on torture who jointly called on the government of Iran to “stop the imminent execution of seven men belonging to the Ahwazi Arab minority and grant them a fair and public hearing.” The UN experts stated: “We are fully aware that these men are accused of serious crimes… However, this cannot justify their conviction and execution after trials that made a mockery of due process requirements.” All the seven named men have now been executed.

Abdulreza Sanawati Zergani was initially thought to have been executed on 14 February 2007 along with two other men. However, further reports later suggested that his execution had been temporarily postponed and that a teacher, Risan Sawari was executed instead of him (see update to UA 57/06, MDE 13/041/2007, 2 April 2007).

Abdul Husain Haribi, Ahmad Maramazi and Husain Asakreh were sentenced to death on 16 November 2006 following a one-day closed trial at a Revolutionary Court in Shadegan in Khuzestan province. They were accused of bombing oil pipelines in Khuzestan.

Many thanks to all who sent appeals. No further action is requested.

Further Information

PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/034/2008
6 February 2008

Further Information on UA 233/05 (MDE 13/051/2005, 9 September 2005) and follow-up (MDE 13/065/2005, 2 November 2005; MDE 13/033/2006, 31 March 2006; MDE 13/072/2006, 23 June 2006) - Fear of Torture and ill-treatment/ Incommunicado detention/ Death sentence and new concern: Imminent execution

IRAN Mohsen Bawi (m), aged 34 ]
Imad Bawi (m), law student, aged 32 ] brothers
Hani Bawi (m), student, aged 23 ]
Moslem Bawi (m), student, aged 20 ]
Asad Bawi (m), their cousin, aged 35 ]
Mansour Tayouri (m) ] members of the extended Bawi family
Hassan Boughedar (or Bou Azar or Bozar) (m)]
Lefteh Sarkhi (m), student

Executed: Zamel Bawi (m), aged 30
Zamel Bawi, a member of the Iranian Arab minority, was executed on 29 January at 4am in Karoun Prison, Khuzestan province. On 28 January, the eve of his execution, Zamel Bawi was allowed a family visit. Neither Zamel nor his family nor his lawyer were informed of the imminence of the execution, although Iranian law states that the authorities should inform a detainee's lawyer at least 48 hours before a death sentence is due to be carried out.

Zamel Bawi, a businessman and shop owner, was arrested by security forces on 11 August 2005 along with four of his brothers and a cousin. At the end of October 2005, Zamel Bawi had been sentenced to death. On 10 June 2006 Branch 3 of the Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz city, Khuzestan province, confirmed the death sentences against Zamel Bawi and nine other men including Jaafar Sawari, Risan Sawari and Abdulredha Nawaseri who were executed in 2007 (see UA 57/06 MDE 13/023/2006, 10 March 2006 and follow-ups). The 10 men were accused of being “mohareb” (at enmity with God) which can carry the death penalty. Other charges included "destabilizing the country", "attempting to overthrow the government", "possession of home-made bombs", "sabotage of oil installations" and carrying out bombings in Ahvaz, which took place between June and October 2005. Zamel Bawi was further convicted of hiding seven home-made bombs.

The remaining men are serving prison sentences varying between 10 and 25 years in exile within the country. Amnesty International believes that Mohsen Bawi is detained in Konarak Prison, outside the town of Chabahar, in Sistan-Baluchistan province and Imad Bawi is detained in Tabas Prison, in Khorasan province. The two brothers were said to have been taken into solitary confinement following the news of the execution of their brother.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Much of Iran's Arab community lives in the province of Khuzestan, which borders Iraq. It is strategically important because it is the site of much of Iran’s oil reserves, but the Arab population does not feel it has benefited as much from the oil revenue as the Persian population. Historically, the Arab community has been marginalised and discriminated against. There were mass demonstrations in April 2005, after it was alleged that the government planned to disperse the country's Arab population or to force them to relinquish their Arab identity. Following bomb explosions in Ahvaz City in June and October 2005, which killed at least 14 people, and explosions at oil installations in September and October 2005, the cycle of violence intensified, with hundreds of people reportedly arrested. There have been reports of torture. Further bombings on 24 January 2006, in which at least six people were killed, were followed by further mass arrests. At least 17 men have now been executed as a result of their alleged involvement in the bombings. It is not clear if another man was executed or died in custody.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English, French Farsi, Arabic, or your own language:
- stating that Amnesty International recognizes the rights and responsibilities of governments to bring to justice those suspected of criminal offences, but strongly opposes the death penalty as the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment and violation of the right to life;
- deploring the execution of Zamel Bawi;
- seeking clarification as to why Zamel Bawi’s lawyer was not informed at least 48 hours before his execution, as he should have been according to Iranian law;
- seeking full details of the trials of Zamel Bawi, his brothers Mohsen, Imad, Hani and Moslem; their cousin Asad Bawi, relatives Mansour Tayouri and Hassan Boughedar; and Lefteh Sarkhi, including details of the charges and evidence against them and any appeals they may have made;
- expressing concern at reports that these prisoners were not granted access to a lawyer during some or all sessions of their trial, and as such, their trial did not meet international standards for fair trial, as laid down by Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Iran is a State Party.
- seeking assurances that those who remain in prison are not being tortured or ill-treated in detention.

APPEALS TO:
Leader of the Islamic Republic
His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei
The Office of the Supreme Leader, Islamic Republic Street - Shahid Keshvar Doust Street
Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@leader.ir
Salutation: Your Excellency

Head of the Judiciary
Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi
Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh / Office of the Head of the Judiciary
Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., south of Serah-e Jomhouri, Tehran 1316814737, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: info@dadgostary-tehran.ir (In the subject line write: FAO Ayatollah Shahroudi)
Salutation: Your Excellency

Minister of Intelligence
Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie
Ministry of Intelligence, Second Negarestan Street, Pasdaran Avenue, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Salutation: Your Excellency

COPIES TO:
President
His Excellency Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
The Presidency, Palestine Avenue, Azerbaijan Intersection, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Email: dr-ahmadinejad@president.ir
via website: www.president.ir/email

Speaker of Parliament
His Excellency Gholamali Haddad Adel
Majles-e Shoura-ye Eslami, Baharestan Square, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran
Fax: +98 21 3355 6408
Email: hadadadel@majlis.ir (Please ask that your message be brought to the attention of the Article 90 Commission)

and to diplomatic representatives of Iran accredited to your country.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 19 March 2008.

گزارش سالیانه دیده بان حقوق بشر

ایران رویدادهای 2007

احترام به حقوق اولیه انسانی در ایران بخصوص آزادی بیان و تجمع در سال 2007 به وخامت خود ادامه داد. دولت محمود احمدی نژاد افراد را صرفا به دلیل استفاده مسالمت آمیز از حقوق خود مبنی بر آزادی بیان و تشکل همواره بازداشت می کند و افراد بازداشت شده را اغلب مورد شکنجه و بدرفتاری قرار می دهد. قوه قضائیه که تنها به رهبر ایران، علی خامنه ای، پاسخگوست مسئول بسیاری از موارد جدی نقض حقوق بشر است. حکومت ایران بطور فزاینده ای از "امنیت ملی" بعنوان بهانه ای برای خاموش کردن بیان دگراندیشی و تقاضا برای اصلاحات استفاده می کند.

آزادی بیان

مقام های ایران با زندانی کردن روزنامه نگاران و دبیران نشریات و نیز کنترل شدید نشر و آزادی آکادمیک بطور سیستماتیک آزادی بیان و اندیشه را سرکوب می کنند. معدود روزنامه های مستقل که باقی مانده اند، بطور شدیدی خودسانسوری می کنند. حکومت استادان دگراندیش دانشگاه را اخراج و یا مجبور به بازنشستگی های زودهنگام کرده است. بسیاری از نویسندگان و روشنفکرانی که زندانی نشده اند، یا کشور را ترک کرده و یا از منتقد بودن صرفنظر کرده اند. وزارت فرهنگ و ارشاد اسلامی بطور فزاینده ای از صدور جواز به ناشران حتی برای تجدید چاپ کتابهایی که قبلا منتشر شده اند، خودداری می کند. در سال 2007 مسئولین دانشجویان و روزنامه نگاران اینترنتی را به منظور جلوگیری از نشر مستقل اخبار و اطلاعات هدف قرار دادند. حکومت وبسایتهایی که در داخل و یا خارج از ایران حاوی اخبار و تحلیل های سیاسی هستند را بطور سیستماتیک مسدود و یا فیلتر می کند.

آزادی تجمع

دولت احمدی نژاد هیچ تساهلی در مقابل اعتراضات و تجمعات مسالمت آمیز از خود نشان نمی دهد. در مارس 2007 نیروهای امنیتی

بیش از 30 زن را که در بیرون از دادگاهی در تهران در اعتراض به پیگرد قانونی سه تن از فعالان سرشناس حقوق زنان بطور مسالمت آمیز تظاهرات می کردند، دستگیر کردند. در همان ماه، نیروهای امنیتی صدها معلم که برای بهبود وضع حقوق و مزایای خود بطور مسالمت آمیز در بیرون از مجلس در تهران و نیز در سایر شهرها دست به اعتراض زده بودند را دستگیر کردند. حکومت پس از آزادی این معلمین، برخی را تحت پیگرد قرار داد. این پیگردها عمدتا به احکام تعلیقی انجامید. برخی از معترضین از تدریس محروم و یا به شهرهای دیگر منتقل شدند. در ماه ژوئیه نیروهای امنیتی شش دانشجوی دانشگاه امیرکبیر را دستگیر کرد. این دانشجویان بمناسبت سالگرد اعتراضات دانشجویی سال 1999 که حکومت با خشونت سرکوب کرد، در حال تحصن مسالمت آمیز بودند. حکومت این شش تن را با قرار وثیقه آزاد کرد و پرونده های آنها در هنگام نگارش این گزارش همچنان باز است.

شکنجه و بدرفتاری در بازداشتگاه ها

تحت دولت احمدی نژاد رفتار با بازداشت شدگان در زندان اوین تهران و نیز سایر بازداشتگاه هایی که بطور مخفیانه توسط قوه قضائیه، وزارت اطلاعات و سپاه پاسداران انقلاب اسلامی اداره می شود، وخیم تر شده است. مسئولین افرادی را که به دلیل بیان مساملت آمیز دیدگاه هایشان زندانی شده اند مورد شکنجه و بدرفتاری هایی نظیر ضرب و شتم، محرومیت از خواب و حبس های انفرادی طویل المدت قرار می دهند. قضات اغلب اعترافاتی را که با زور گرفته شده است، می پذیرند. در ژوئیه 2007 دانشجویان زندانی سابق و نیز خانواده های سه دانشجوی روزنامه نگار زندانی (مجید توکلی، احمد قصابان و احسان منصوری) مامورین وزارت اطلاعات را علنا متهم کردند که این سه دانشجو و پنج تن دیگر را که حکومت در ارتباط با نشریات دانشجویی بازداشت کرده بود، بطور فیزیکی و روانی مورد شکنجه قرار دادند. مسئولین اظهارات بدست آمده از بازداشت شدگانی که از داشتن وکیل محروم بودند را از رسانه های پخش کرد. در ماه ژوئیه، حکومت "اعترافات" هاله اسفندیاری و کیان تاجبخش، دو پژوهشگر ایرانی- آمریکایی را که از ماه مه به اتهام مبهم "به خطر انداختن امنیت ملی" بازداشت کرده بود، پخش کرد. حکومت اسفندیاری و تاجبخش را به ترتیب در اواخر اوت و در سپتامبر با قرار وثیقه آزاد کرد.

معافیت از مجازات

هیچ نوع سازوکاری برای نظارت و تحقیق در مورد نقض حقوق بشر توسط مامورین حکومت وجود ندارد. بسته شدن رسانه های

مستقل در ایران به ادامه فضای مصونیت از مجازات کمک کرده است. در سالهای اخیر شهادت های علنی افراد متعددی که در گذشته بازداشت شده بودند دلالت بر شرکت سعید مرتضوی دادستان عمومی تهران و دفتر او در برخی از بدترین موارد نقض حقوق بشر داشته است. با وجود شواهد مبسوط، مرتضوی برای نقشی که در بازداشت های غیرقانونی، شکنجه بازداشت شدگان و استفاده از زور برای دریافت اعترافات دروغین ایفا کرده، مسئول شناخته نشده است. پرونده زهرا کاظمی خبرنگار عکاس ایرانی- کانادایی که در ژوئن 2003 در حالیکه در بازداشت مامورین قوه قضائیه و امنیتی تحت رهبری مرتضوی بود درگذشت، همچنان حل نشده باقیست. مصطفی پور محمدی وزیر کنونی کشور در کشتار فرا-قضائی هزاران زندانی سیاسی در سال 1988 دخیل دانسته شده است.

مدافعین حقوق بشر

مسئولین در سال 2007 آزار و اذیت مدافعین مستقل حقوق بشر را به منظور ممانعت از انتشار و پیگیری موارد نقض حقوق بشر تشدید کرده اند. شعبه شش دادگاه انقلاب ایران در ژوئیه گذشته عماد باقی فعال حقوق بشر را همراه با همسر و دختر وی بدلیل تلاش های آنها برای مستند و علنی کردن موارد نقض حقوق بشر به احکام تعلیقی سه ساله محکوم کرد. این دادگاه در اکتبر گذشته باقی را پس از احضار در برابر بازپرس دستگیر کرد. در هنگام نگارش این گزارش وی همچنان در بازداشت بسر می برد. حکومت سازمان های غیردولتی را که مشوق حضور در جامعه مدنی هستند و آگاهی از نقض حقوق بشر را ارتقا می بخشند، بسته است. مسئولین در مارس گذشته به دفتر کنشگران داوطلب هجوم برده و آن را تعطیل کردند. آنها همچنین دفاتر موسسه راهی را که از سازمان غیردولتی ویژه ارائه کمک های حقوقی و اجتماعی به زنان قربانی خشونت است تعطیل کردند.

مجازات اعدام نوجوانان

ایران سردمدار مجازاتهای مرگ برای افرادی است که در هنگام ارتکاب جرم کمتر از 18 سال داشته اند. در حال حاضر حداقل 70

نوجوان مجرم در انتظار مجازات مرگ هستند. در هنگام نگارش این گزارش حکومت ایران دو نوجوان مجرم را در سال 2007 اعدام کرده است: سید محمد رضا موسوی شیرازی 20 ساله در 20 آوریل بدلیل قتلی که گفته می شود در سن 16 سالگی مرتکب شده بود، در زندان عادل آباد اعدام شد. سعید قنبرزهی 17ساله نیز در 27 ماه مه در زاهدان اعدام شد. آیت الله شاهرودی رئیس قوه قضائیه ایران در سال 2003 طی دستوری به قضات ایران صدور حکم اعدام برای نوجوانان مجرم را ممنوع کرد، اما دادگاهها همچنان به صدور چنین احکامی ادامه می دهند.

اقلیت ها اقلیت های قومی و دینی

ایران مشمول تبعیض و در برخی موارد آزار و اذیت هستند. در فوریه 2007 حکومت پس از بمب گذاری در اتوبوسی که حامل اعضای سپاه پاسداران انقلاب اسلامی در استان سیستان و بلوچستان بود، تعدادی از اعضای اقلیت بلوچ را دستگیر کرد. کمتر از یک هفته پس از این بمبگذاریها ، حکومت نصرالله شنبه زهی را پس از پخش "اعترافات" او در تلویزیون و محاکمه عجولانه ای که وی در آن به وکیل دسترسی نداشت، به دار آویخت. حسینعلی شهریاری عضو مجلس ایران طی مصاحبه ای در ماه مارس گفت که 700 نفر در سیستان و بلوچستان در انتظار اعدام هستند. مسئولین در ماه مه هفت نفر را که سعید قنبر زهی یکی از آنها بود، دار زدند.

حکومت مراقبت و نظارت بر قوم عرب استان خوزستان را بدنبال بمبگذاری سال 2005 در این استان افزایش داده است. دادگاه های انقلاب که روند سری آنها مطابق با معیارهای محاکمه عادلانه نیست در سال 2006 حداقل 16 ایرانی عرب تبار را به اتهام اقدامات مسلحانه علیه حکومت به مرگ محکوم کردند. در سال 2007 حداقل 7 عرب ایرانی در ارتباط با این بمبگذاری ها اعدام شدند. این اعدام ها پس از محاکمات سری که در آن متهمین از حقوق دادرسی مدنی محروم بودند، صورت گرفتند.

در استان های آذربایجان و کردستان حکومت فعالیت های فرهنگی و سیاسی متمرکز بر هویت و زبانهای محلی را محدود می کند. حکومت دبیران روزنامه های کردی را تحت این عنوان که پوشش خبری آنها از وقایع کردستان عراق در جهت ترویج جدایی طلبی در بین کردهای ایران است، مورد آزار و اذیت قرار داد. روزنامه های محلی استانهای آذربایجان شرقی و غربی که وقایع کشور همسایه یعنی آذربایجان را پوشش می دهند نیز مورد آزار و اذیت مسئولین قرار گرفتند.

حکومت کماکان به جامعه بهائیان ایران اجازه نمی دهد بطور علنی به عبادات و فعالیت های دینی خود بپردازند. در سال 2007 حکومت مانع از دسترسی دستکم 800 دانش آموز بهایی به آزمون ملی ورودی دانشگاه ها شد.

بازگرداندن اجباری به افغانستان

ایران در سال 2006 اعلام کرد بیش از یک میلیون افغانی که در این کشور باقی مانده اند دیگر مهاجر نیستند و همه آنها را تا مارس 2008 "بطور داوطلبانه بازمی گرداند." حکومت ایران بین آوریل و ژوئن 2007 در حدود 100 هزار افغانی ثبت نام شده و ثبت نام نشده را که در ایران زندگی و کار می کردند، به زور به افغانستان بازگرداند.

ویروس اچ آی وی/ایدز

ایران اعلام کرده است که نرخ آلودگی به ویروس اچ آی وی بدلیل تزریق مواد مخدر و روابط جنسی افزایش یافته است. کامران باقری

لنکرانی وزیر بهداشت در فوریه 2007 اظهار داشت دانشمندان ایران یک داروی جدید برای مقابله با اچ آی وی/ایدز تولید کرده اند که از هفت گیاه ایرانی بدست آمده است. مقام های وزارت بهداشت ایران ادعا کرده اند که دانشمندان ایران این دارو را به مدت بیش از پنج سال بر روی بیش از 200 نفر آزمایش کردند. اما فعالان حقوق بشر و ایدز در ایران ابراز نگرانی کرده اند که دانشمندان در این آزمایشات از افراد آلوده به ایدز بدون جلب رضایت آنها استفاده کرده اند. آنها همچنین گفته اند در این مطالعه یک گروه کنترل شرکت داشت که در آن به بیماران به جای داروهای موثر، داروهای کاملا بی اثر داده شد.

بازیگرانی کلیدی بین المللی

در سال 2007 برنامه اتمی ایران در راس مباحث و سیاست های بین المللی قرار داشت. گرچه دو بازیگر کلیدی بین المللی یعنی اتحادیه اروپا و سازمان ملل متحد، به بررسی وضعیت حقوق بشر در ایران پرداختند، اما برنامه اتمی ایران همچنان مشغله اصلی آنها باقی ماند: شورای امنیت سازمان ملل متحد تحریم های خود علیه ایران را در مارس 2007 تشدید کرد و نشست های اتحادیه اروپا درباره ایران نیز متمرکز بر مسئله اتمی بود. اتحادیه اروپا قول داده است که گسترش همکاریها با ایران را به احترام این کشور به حقوق بشر منوط کند، اما این تعهد تاکنون تاثیر کمی داشته است. در ماه ژوئن شورای حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد تصمیم گرفت بررسی وضعیت حقوق بشر در ایران را در چهارچوب روند نظارت محرمانه که به "1503" (1503 نام قطعنامه ای است که این روند نظارت را ایجاد کرده بود) معروف است، پایان دهد. در ژانویه گذشته کارشناسان شورای حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد که ویژه اعدام های فراقضایی هستند از ایران مصرانه خواستند از اعدام هفت تن از افراد عرب تبار که ذکر آن پیش تر رفت، خودداری کند. ایران به این درخواست بی اعتنایی کرد. در سپتامبر گذشته لوئیس آربور کمیسر عالی حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد از ایران دیدار کرد. در سال 2007 روابط ضعیف آمریکا و ایران بیش از پیش از وخیم شد. آمریکا و ایران یکدیگر را متهم به حمایت از گروه های مسلح در عراق و افغانستان کردند. آمریکا با وجود اعتراضات حکومت های عراق و ایران به بازداشت پنج دیپلمات ایرانی در شمال عراق ادامه می دهد. حکومت آمریکا اغلب از وضعیت حقوق بشر در ایران بعنوان یکی از موارد نگران کننده یاد می کند. از فوریه سال 2006 وزارت خارجه آمریکا 75 میلیون دلار برای "حمایت از فعالیتهای مربوط به ترویج دمکراسی در ایران" اختصاص داده است. اما بسیاری از دگراندیشان ایران، مدافعین حقوق بشر و فعالان جامعه مدنی در داخل کشور اعلام کرده اند که با این پروژه ارتباطی ندارند و تصریح کرده اند خواهان و پذیرای هیچ کمک مالی از حکومت آمریکا نیستند. حکومت ایران از این برنامه آمریکا برای توجیه سرکوب دگراندیشان بهره برداری می کند.

From: http://hrw.org/persian/docs/2008/01/31/iran17769.htm

© Copyright 2003, Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA

Iran: Arab separatist hanged, three more on death row

Tehran, 31 Jan. (AKI) - Prominent Iranian Arab separatist Zamel Bavi was hanged on Thursday in Ahwaz prison in the predominantly ethnic Arab province of Khuzestan on the Persian Gulf.

Three other separatist militants, Saiid Saki, Ali Mazraa, and Andullah al-Mansouri await execution. Bavi, Saki, Mazraa and al-Mansouri were convicted of 'armed insurrection' as were four other Iranian Arabs executed on 30 December.

Iran accuses Britain of spreading Sunni Wahabism in Ahwaz

By Reza Washahi


Iran accused Britain of spreading the Wahabism form of Sunni Islam among youth in the Arabic area of Ahwaz situated in south west of Iran.

Deputy education minister Gholam Hussein Haydari said that ” enemy after deleting options about military attack on Iran, now is focusing on a cultural theme and during the last few years through satellite channels and the Internet they are spreading Wahabism in the area”

He added, “Britain is behind such move”[1]

In fact every one who is following political developments in Ahwaz area knew that spreading Wahabism is nothing to do with Britain.

Wahabism was started by some members of the Al Wefgah Islamic Party in Ahwaz. They started to spread the ideology of Wahabism in the hope that Sunni Arabic countries in the area would have more sympathy with Ahwazi Arabs. Al Wefgah Islamic Party was later banned in Ahwaz and its members persecuted.

It’s true that in the long term such Wahabism movement would not be in the benefit of Ahwazi people and it would be a very great mistake, as Wahabism is far from tolerant and its opposition to modern life values is very well known.

The fact that people started to go away from Islam, even to the Wahabism form, showed that Ahwazi people are fed up with Iranian government’s official religion. Conversion from Islam to other religion accelerated after revolution in 1979, which mixed Islam and power and built theocracy threatening the region.

All these conversions are as a result of the Iranian government’s pressure on Ahwazi people. At the same time political awareness among Ahwazi Arabs is another reason for these conversions.

There is a very deep belief among many Islamic scholars that origin of Shia is mixture of Islam with Zoroastrianism, Gnosticism and Mithraism Mysteries. And Iranians invented it so that they can keep distance from Arabs. Even Many Iranian scholars pointed out that, Shia was reaction of Iranian against Arabs.[2]

If that is true, surely Ahwazi Arabs, could not accept their occupier religion which is against theirs race and identity and this could be one of main reason that Arabic countries not paying attention to the cause of Ahwazi people.


Changing Religion

The recent history of the struggle for independence similar to Ahwaz area showed that changing religion is very advantageous for those people. For example conversion of east Timor people to Christianity was very crucial in the progress of their independence.

What the modern world calls cultural pluralism, the Iranian government calls “the cultural war” it is in heart of autocracy to not have tolerance for other opinions and this is what Islamic government of Iran is all about.

Haydari suggestion that “singing national anthem and boosting Farsi language could solve the problem of Ahwaz”, clearly showing that Iranian government again wants to ignore the real root of the problem in Ahwaz area, and they want to blame foreign countries, which they do not have any thing to do with it.

The colonising type of Anti Arab policy run by Iranian Government during nearly last 100 years in Ahwaz is one of the examples of modern cultural genocides.

What the world should notice is that genocide is not only taking life of minorities and nations, it could have different aspects. When indigenous people cannot talk in their language it means they are no longer exist. Physical existence is not enough.

Arab Ahwazis cannot talk or educate in their mother tongue and all types of cultural practice including music, theatre, cinema, dance, literature and so on are forbidden in Arabic language.



[1] http://bultannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4132&Itemid=1


[2] For example look to the books by Abdolhossein Zarrinkoob, Yar Shtaer, Javad Tabatabaei, Dariush Shayegan, and Daryoush Ashouri.

Life in Ahwazi villages: poverty and poor health

By Reza Washahi

According to the Asreh Karoon paper reports last month, the Ahwaz area of Iran has about 6000 villages. Most of these villages have still got Arabic names with Arab inhabitants.

The Ahwazi village economy is based on agriculture, fishing and husbandry and all based on undeveloped, traditional methods, as the government have deliberately not invested in the Ahwaz area. Keeping people in poverty and darkness is one of the long-term policies of the Iranian government toward Ahwazi Arabs.

One of the main problems of the Ahwazi villages is the roads. According to one report published by the local paper Asreh Karoon in March 2007, up to 80% of the villages do not have the advantage of proper roads. Roads are very crucial for the development of the economy of these villages. Usually in the rainy season all the ways become muddy and cannot be used. People who live in villages and need to go to the city, to the hospital and for higher levels of education as there are no medical facilities and only basic primary schools where the use of the Farsi language is enforced; such people will face great difficulty.

In my phone talk with Mr. Abu Jawad from Alavanieh near Khafajieh, he told me that children in his village are suffering from unhealthy conditions. According to the Governor of the province many children are suffering from malnutrition. Many villages were destroyed as the result of the war between Iran and Iraq and the Iranian government has done nothing to restore them after twenty years.

Mine fields left after the Iran/Iraq war are another problem for the border villages. On average about 2 children are killed or lose a limb every month.

According to the Hamshahri daily paper report in December 2006 the Ahwazi rural area constitutes about 45% of the Arab population. Their income is less than $30 per house hold per month according to the World Bank’s statement on average incomes in that region.

Unhealthy water is the major reason for diarrhoea and other water-related diseases in the area. Although Ahwaz has got plenty of water with about 33% of all fresh water in Iran, people even in the major cities suffer from unhealthy water. The problem of water in rural area is even worse as they do not have access to basic medical help.

Last week ISNA reported that Bromi village with 350 inhabitants situated in Ahwaz, on the Mashour road way[i], are suffering from land confiscation by the Revolutionary Guard as well as repeated disconnections of the electricity supply. Environmental problems include the disposal of rubbish, no drains and the lack of healthy water. Yet it is the case that all around Bromi village the area is full of oil wells and pipes.

Bromi village is just typical of the type of situation that Ahwazi Arabs living in rural population are facing.



[i] http://khouzestan.isna.ir/mainnews.php?ID=News-18399

وزارت امور خارجه آمريکا: اقليت اعراب اهواز تحت آزار و تبعيض مقامات جمهوری اسلامی هستند

گزارشهای رسیده حاکی است که نیروهای انتظامی جمهوری اسلامی ایران به مردمی که در مسجد حمزه اهواز اجتماع کرده بودند یورش برده اند، و بنا به گزارش ناظران حقوق بشر، دست کم پنجاه و احتمالاً تا سیصد نفر از جامعه عرب آن شهر را بازداشت کرده اند.

سازمان عفو بین الملل میگوید گزارشهایی دریافت کرده است دائر بر اینکه "بر اثر شلیک نیروهای انتظامی عده ای زخمی شده اند.

" فاخته زمانی، رئیس سازمان دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی آذربایجان میگوید اعضای جامعه عرب اهواز با وی تماس گرفته و از محل نگاهداری افراد بازداشت شده از او سؤال کرده اند. فاخته زمانی میگوید: "بازداشت شدگان به نقطه نامعلومی برده شده اند، و خانواده آنها نیز از آنها خبری ندارند. ترس ما از این است که در بازداشتگاه شکنجه شده یا مورد سوءرفتار قرار گرفته باشند. زخمیها نیز به بیمارستان منتقل نشده اند."

در همان حال که یورش به مسجد حمزه انجام میگرفت، اعراب اهواز در مجلس یادبود مهدی حیدری شرکت کرده بودند. آقای حیدری،

بنا به گزارشها، یکی از فعالان سیاسی بوده است، هنگامی که تلاش میکرد از دست مأمورین بگریزد، هدف گلوله قرار گرفت و از پای درآمد.

به گزارش وزارت امور خارجه آمریکا، اقلیت اعراب اهواز تحت آزار و تبعیض مقامات ایران هستند. گروههای عرب مقیم اهواز و سازمانها حقوق بشر مدعی هستند که فعالان سیاسی این گروه تحت شکنجه قرار گرفته اند، وبا آنها بدرفتاری شده است، که از آن جمله است

بازداشت همسران و فرزندان جوان آنها.

فاخته زمانی میگوید، وکلای مدافع ، از جمله صالح کامرانی، یکی از مدافعان حقوق بشر آذری- ایرانی ، که تلاش میکرده اند به فعالان اهوازی کمک کنند، نیز با خطر بازداشت روبرو شده اند. وی می افزايد: "معمولاًعرب تبارهای اهواز به وکیل دسترسی ندارند و هنگامی که یک وکیل مدافع به نمایندگی آنها با مقامات دولتی ایران تماس میگیرد، با تهدید و زندان روبرو میشوند. به عنوان نمونه؛ صالح کامرانی که قصد داشت وکالت چند نویسنده و روشنفکر اهوازی را برعهده بگیرد زندانی شد و درباره موکلانش از او بازجویی بعمل آمد."

پرزیدنت بوش، در اعلامیه ای که به مناسبت روز حقوق بشر صادر شد گفته است: "ایالات متحده آمریکا در کنار کسانی ایستاده است که برای استقرار نظام مردمسالاری و تأمین آزادی تلاش میکنند." پرزیدنت بوش اضافه می کند: روزی خواهد رسید که شهروندان سرزمینها دیگری مثل کره شمالی، ایران، زیمباوه و سودان، فارغ از محدودیتهای موجود، به انجام وظایف دینی خود خواهند پرداخت، عقاید خود را آزادنه بیان خواهند کرد و از نعمتهایی که آزادی برای آنها به ارمغان میآورد بهره خواهند برد.

Minority Report

54 jir.janes.com l Jane’s Intelligence Review l January 2008RESOURCE WATCHAs Iran’s stand-off with the West continues, leaders in Tehran are preparing forpossible military confrontation with the US and its allies. The Iranian leadership, whilenot totally discounting the possibility of a land invasion, judges air strikes against nuclear, military and political targets as by far the most likelyscenario.The regime in Tehran ostensibly believes that such strikes would have a two-pronged objective: to dismantle Iran’s nuclear programme and to decapitate the regime, and therefore facilitatea change in political leadership. Political calculation As the Iranian leadership is able to withstand the loss of nuclear-related assets both politically and militarily, it is now focusing on measuresto prepare for maintaining political and social stability in a post-attack phase. A key area ofthis goal is to reduce the likelihood of internal revolt at the hands of a number of indigenousanti-regime groups, some of which are armed, and which would be emboldened following aProspects for security in oil-rich Khuzestan Minority report• As Iran plans for possible military conflictwith the US, it is anxious to prevent militantethnic groups from rebelling in the event thecentral government is weakened.• The southwestern province of Khuzestanis a centre for Iran’s energy industry in termsof recoverable deposits and infrastructure.Tehran also views it as a gateway to Iraqimarkets.• Local economic conditions in Khuzestanremain stagnant. Popular anger could fostermilitancy among the ethnic Arabs of theprovince, and jeopardise Iran’s lifeline.This article was first available online on jir.janes.com on 5 December 2007.KKEEYY P POIONTINS TS KEY POINTSIran’s oil and gas-rich province is also home to a provocative mix of a disadvantaged ethnicgroup, high local unemployment and political disaffection. As the Tehran regime turns itsattention to this vital area, Alex Vatanka examines the security and economic implications forthe next possible site of US military intervention.A January 2006 bomb that destroyed a bank in Khuzestan’s capital Ahvaz was blamed by Tehran on the Ahwaz Liberation Organisation. January 2008 l Jane’s Intelligence Review l jir.janes.com 55RESOURCE WATCHpotential US attack.This type of calculation was evident in the leadership rotation that occurred on 1 Septemberwithin the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), Iran’s elite 145,000-strong militaryforce. Yahya Safavi, who had been the overall IRGC commander since 1997, was replacedby Mohammad-Ali Jafari.Jafari is regarded as a theoretician on asymmetric and insurgency warfare, and a capableregime loyalist who as an IRGC commander in Tehran proved skilful in quelling anti-regimestudent riots in 1999 and 2003. Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader and thecommander-in-chief of all armed forces, also simultaneously appointed Jafari as overall chiefof the Basij militia forces, which act as the regime’s first line of defence in the face of popularunrest. The joint command gives Jafari unprecedented authority. Quoting Khamenei, Jafarihas stated that the IRGC’s and Basij’s main task is to fight “internal enemies”. The appointmentnot only demonstrates Khamenei’s faith in Jafari, but is a clear sign that the regime is becomingincreasingly anxious about the possibility of internal insurrection.In this context, ethnic-related unrest in the border regions is a primary concern for Tehran,particularly since there is a precedent for disgruntled ethnic communities rebelling at times when the central government in Tehran is destabilised. The most recent example was the 1979-80 uprising among Iranian Kurds and Arabs.Among Iran’s 30 provinces, Khuzestan presents a unique challenge, given that it is the source of much of Iran’s oil revenue. Some ethnic Arabs in Khuzestan, a province which comprises about 5.6 per cent of Iran’s population, claim discrimination at the hands of the ethnic Persian-dominated central government and its cities witnessed a number of riots and bombings in 2005 and 2006. Ethnic insurrection in Khuzestan not only jeopardises a currently critical source of income, but would also seriously hamper Tehran’s much touted efforts to integrate southern Iraq with the Iranian economy.Energy assetsIran’s Khuzestan province has been vital to the country’s economy since the first Middle Eastoil was discovered there in 1908. At 63,213 km², Khuzestan comprises only 3.8 per cent ofIran’s landmass. However, 66.2 per cent of Iran’s known recoverable oil and 21.4 per cent of itsnatural gas deposits (according to 2006 figures supplied by energy information provider IHS)are in this southwestern province. Khuzestan also accommodates 28 per cent of Iran’s oil refinery capacity, 34 per cent of its gas plant capacity, 25 per cent of its installed electric capacity and 26 per cent of its petrochemical plants and 19 per cent of the total length of all pipelines. Given these assets, and the fact that approximately80-85 per cent of Iran’s total exportreceipts and 60 per cent of the government’s budget derives from the export of crude oil, thestrategic importance of Khuzestan is evident. Besides being a hub for the oil and gas industries,Khuzestan’s proximity to neighbouring southern Iraqi and Shia majority provincesmake it an important gateway to Iraq’s markets. In July 2005, the governments of Iran and Iraq signed two memoranda of understanding in the fields of trade and transportation, and official trade volumes have since increased to an estimated USD2 billion in 2006 from a very low base.Joint energy projects with Iraq are also viewed as lucrative by both states. In August2007, Tehran and Baghdad revealed that an agreement had been reached to build a pipelineto carry crude oil from Iraq’s Basra to refineries in Abadan in Khuzestan province. The pipelinewill be used to export 200,000 barrels per day (bpd) of Iraqi oil to Iran. In return, Iran will export liquefied gas to Iraq. There are also ongoing discussions about joint ventures to develop shared oil and gas fields across the border areas, such as the large Azadegan field.Policy makers in Tehran view economic integration as both commercially and politicallyprudent, since such measures will open up new markets and reduce the likelihood of a return tothe intense rivalry or outright hostility that was characteristic of bilateral relations in the period1968-2003, when the Baath party governed Iraq.The timing is also opportune for Tehran, given its close ties to the Shia-dominated governmentof Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki. Such a strategy requires that Tehran has unopposedaccess to Khuzestan and that the province remains socio-politically stable. To thisend, Tehran is pursuing its own two-pronged strategy. It aims to deter militancy through anintensified security presence in the province, but also to reduce popular dissent through economic regeneration and such measures as incorporating ethnic Arab youth into the Basij Islamist militia force. Arab separatism An example of the countermilitancycampaign was the arrest of Abdullah Al-Mansouri, an Iranian ethnic Arab and theleader of the Ahwaz Liberation Organisation (ALO), in May 2006 by the Syrian authorities inDamascus. Mansouri was subsequently deported to Iran. ALO is an Arab separatist group thatseeks independence for Khuzestan. Between 800,000 and 2 million of Khuzestan’s 4 millionpeople are estimated to be ethnic Arabs. There are no accurate statistics since Iranian censusfigures, as elsewhere in the Middle East, do not include ethnic and religious records.Iran has yet to convict Mansouri, but he has already been charged with acting against nationalsecurity and being a mohareb, an Islamic legal designation that denotes ‘enemies of God’, andwhich is punishable by death. Judicial and other senior officials in Tehran have declared Mansouri, an Iranian-Dutch citizen who has lived in the Netherlands since 1989, as complicit in the bombings that occurred in June and October 2005 and January 2006 in Khuzestan. Twentypeople were left dead, when government buildings were targeted. Trials held in 2006 convicted‘Public hanging of militants has become the norm, withthe clear aim of acting as a deterrence’Major oilfields in KhuzestanName Rank in size amongIranian oil/gasfieldsVolume (billion barrels) % of total reservesAhwaz 1st 25.65 15.4Marun 2nd 22.32 13.4Agha Jari 3rd 17.38 10.4Azadegan 5th 6.11 3.7Karanj 6th 5.73 3.4Mansuri 7th 5.16 3.1Rag-e Sefid 8th 4.99 3.0Yadvaran 11th 3.00 1.8There are a total of 35 oil and gas fields in the province of Khuzestan, although not allfields are currently operational. Source: IHS 54 jir.janes.com l Jane’s Intelligence Review l January 2008 RESOURCE WATCH 39 ethnic Arabs of carrying out the bombingsand sentenced 19 of them to death. Fifteen have been executed since December 2006.On 13 September 2007, the prosecutor for the Public and Revolution Courts in Khuzestan’s capital Ahvaz (Ahwaz in Arabic) announced the execution of a further three people who were said to have been involved in the bombings.
Another unknown number, of those Tehran alleges were complicit, are awaiting execution,and the Iranian press reports officials as stating that some 20 per cent of the culprits have yet to be arrested.Outside supportTehran maintains that senior militant ethnic Arabs reside outside the country and benefitfrom the backing of Western intelligence services which, in alliance with former Iraqi Baathists,are attempting to foment ethnic unrest in the region as part of the wider West-Iran standoff.The Baath party of Iraq was the principal patron of Iran’s Arab separatists from the early1970s and ‘liberating’ Khuzestan was one of Saddam Hussein’s stated goals when he invadedIran in 1980. Colluding with foreigners is most likely the principal charge that will be levelledagainst Mansouri.Minister of the Interior Mostafa Purmohammadi said on 13 August that while “good co-ordination and suitable measures by the security apparatus” have significantly reduced violencesince 2005, “remnants of terrorist groups are active and they are supported by foreign services,especially the US, Britain and Israel”. Purmohammadi also claimed that “a large number ofthese people were identified and their weapons depots were discovered”. Most confiscated armshave been pistols, Kalashnikov rifles and ammunitions.Meanwhile, public hanging of Arab militants implicated in violence has become thenorm, with the clear aim of acting as a deterrent. Iraq is cited as the operational base foranti-regime groups as they are perceived to be able to benefit from the patronage of US andUK militaries and operate from the vicinity of Khuzestan. Moreover, potential recruits canalso be found among the estimated 5,500 Iranian ethnic Arabs who still live as refugees inAd Diwaniyah, Ali al Gharbi and Al Kumayt in eastern Iraq. Many of these refugees fled Iran in1979 after an ethnic Arab uprising on the back of the Iranian Revolution was crushed by Admiral Ahmad Madani. Others subsequently had to flee after siding with Saddam Hussein’s regime and collaborated with its intelligence services during the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War. Camp Ashraf, north of Baghdad, is also hosting some 2,900 members of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq, an Iranian Islamist-Marxist group which relocated to Iraq in 1985 after siding with Saddam Hussein.Tehran has pointed the finger at MEK for some of the violence in Khuzestan.It is difficult to verify the identity and size of the various purported and self-styled groupsclaiming to represent Iran’s ethnic Arabs. This is due to a high degree of flux and overlap ofpolitical platforms in this community. The four most prominent separatist organisations are:ALO, which is based in the Netherlands; the Ahwazi-Arab People’s Democratic Front, whichis based in London; and the National Liberation Movement of Ahwaz and the Ahwazian ArabLiberation Front, both of which operate from Canada.However, most ethnic Arab activists advocate the establishment of a federal system in Iran,within which Khuzestan’s Arabs can benefit from autonomy. The most noted federalist organisation is the Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz (DSPA), an entity that was set up in 2002 and is part of an umbrella coalition of Iranian ethnic opposition groups. Unlike the separatist Arab groups, whose literature is dominated by either pan-Arabism or Islamist slogans, the DSPA promotes itself as a secular and social democratic outfit that denounces violence, with its greatest appeal being to the intelligentsia inside Khuzestan. The DSPA has also secured considerable support from European Social Democratic and Green parties and is active at fora hosted by the UN.The DSPA’s strategy is a reflection of broader ethnic Arab sentiment in Khuzestan. While callsfor better living conditions are commonplace, Source: IHS January 2008 l Jane’s Intelligence Review l jir.janes.com 55 RESOURCE WATCHonly a small minority of ethnic Arabs appear willing to resort to violence or seek to secedefrom Iran. The separatist path was an option during the Iran-Iraq War, and yet a clear majority in Khuzestan, Persian and Arab alike, fought the invading Iraqi army.Socio-economic motivation While successive Iranian governments have traditionallyattributed ethnic militancy to foreign agitation, socio-economic problems of Khuzestanare an undeniable factor behind much of the present local Arab resentment.With unemployment rampant, particularly among Arabs, Tehran is also accused of a rangeof transgressions, from forced land appropriation, hostility toward Arab customs and blockingschool education in Arabic to unspoken discriminatory policies that bar Arabs from certainhigh-level functions. The charge against ethnic Persians is that they view ethnic Arabs as a fifth column, and that Tehran prefers subjugation over inclusion.Such critiques are a reality that officials in Tehran are increasingly inclined to accept openly. Khuzestan’s 17 (out of 290)deputies in the parliament in Tehran often publicly highlight economic deprivation in the province and the government’s failures to address grievances. The province suffered tremendously during the Iran-Iraq war and reconstruction effortshave been slow to non-existent. Calls by Khuzestan’s local authorities to receive a larger shareof the oil wealth have been refused. A bill submitted by Khuzestan’s deputies to allocate 1.5per cent of total oil export revenues to the province has been repeatedly defeated in the parliament in Tehran. As a result, Khuzestan’s share of the oil revenue remains below this level, as the central government retains some revenue and then allocates the remainder equally among all 30 provinces. When oil pipelines and infrastructure have been targeted, as in 2005 and 2006, the culprits have left behind leaflets stating that no one would benefit from the oil revenue unless ethnic Arabs receive a fairer share.A 2006 report by the UN Economic and Social Council on Iran highlighted ethnic disparitieson different levels in Khuzestan. The Iranian parliament’s own research arm, the IslamicMajlis Centre for Research, stated in a 2006 report that swift anti-poverty action was requiredto foil future unrest akin to that experienced in Ahvaz in 2005, when fears over an alleged programme to relocate Persians to Khuzestan led to riots that left an unknown number dead. It cited unemployment as a major danger, given that Arab youth are most inclined to be receptive to radical ideas. Political disillusionment also underpins much of the militant momentum.Economic deprivation is therefore a major source of Arab disaffection, compounded bya lack of political representation. While Khuzestan has favoured reformist candidates in parliamentary and presidential elections, the growing sentiment is that the political system cannot be reformed from within. President MahmoudAhmadinejad, for example, did not appoint any Arabs to his cabinet, unlike his reformistpredecessor, Mohammed Khatami, who had Ali Shamkhani, an ethnic Arab, as his defenceminister.One of the results of this disenchantment with the Shia clerical establishment in Tehranis the emergence of a trend among Khuzestan’s overwhelmingly Shia Arabs to convert to SunniIslam, a phenomenon never before experienced in contemporary Iran. While sectarian violenceis minimal at the moment, there are warning signs. In June, Hesham Seimori, a mid-rankingShia cleric in Ahvaz known for his anti-Saudi and anti-Salafi preaching was killed by unidentified gunmen.Critics of Tehran’s policies also argue that in Khuzestan, communities largely comprised ofethnic Persians tend to be the primary beneficiarie of government policies and aid. For example, some two decades after the end of the Iran-Iraq War, de-mining occurs mainly whenlarger energy projects are implemented but not when local small Arab farming communitiesneed access to agricultural land. The energy industry in the province, the recipient of the bulkof government investment, is primarily staffed by ethnic Persians.Tehran’s responseTo mitigate further unrest, the supreme leader has stated that he will personally oversee development plans, and the government of President Ahmadinejad has vowed to hold a special session on the province. Tehran’s fiscal allocation for Khuzestan in 2008 specifically targets development in tribal and rural areas, where ethnic Arabs tend to live.Parallel to promises of more economic regeneration, Tehran is seeking political assurances.In September, elders from Iran’s Arab tribes met Ayatollah Musavi-Jazayeri, the provincialrepresentative of the supreme leader, and renewed their pledge of allegiance to Ali Khamenei.Meanwhile, Jafari, the new IRGC and Basij commander, has already replaced a number oflocal IRGC officials in Khuzestan, including in the strategically vital cities of Abadan and Khorramshahr.The Basij Islamist militia is also on a recruitment drive in Khuzestan, with a recordnumber of military parades and events in 2007 aimed to stimulate a sense of Iranian nationalism. Tehran’s efforts to include ethnic Arabs in a dialogue would be a much more welcome development than to dismiss all critics and acts of militancy as the creation of externalpowers. While not discounting possible foreign assistance to ethnic Iranian militants, socio-economic realities in Khuzestan speak for themselves. It is also true that Arab disgruntlementis near identical to other ethnic minorities such as Kurdsand Baluchis. Still, Khuzestan’s strategic economic status setsit apart. Further deterioration of relations between the centralgovernment in Tehran and ethnic Arabs most likely will resultin more violence in Khuzestan, and expose its vital energy-relatedassets to possible attacks and sabotage, as in 2005.Such a scenario would have considerable ramifications for oil markets. Iran’s oil reservesare the second largest in the world after Saudi Arabia, with the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) putting it at 136.3 billion barrels. Iran also remains OPEC’s secondlargest producer and the world’s fourth largest oil exporter. Many of the pipelines that supplythe Kharg Island oil terminal, Iran’s main export outlet, travel across Khuzestan.However, emerging militancy in Khuzestan is not inevitable. While a limited number ofArab activists seek independence, most of Iran’s Arabs see themselves as Iranians and are aspiring for a fairer political representation and economic distribution of resources. Tehran still has time to defuse a potentially disastrous crisis. n1. Khuzestan: Iran’s Achilles’ heel?2. Anger among Iran’s Arabs3. Natural Resources/IranAuthorAlex Vatanka is Jane’s security editor inWashington DC.RELATED ARTICLESWWW.JANES.COMSearch for these articles atwww.janes.com‘Iran’s oil reserves are thesecond largest in the world,with OPEC putting it at136.3 billion barrels’

Human Rights Activist, Jailed in Iran, Is Transferred to Hospital

By NAZILA FATHI

TEHRAN — A prominent human rights activist who has been jailed since October was transferred to a hospital Wednesday, according to his wife and the news agency ISNA.

The man, Emadedin Baghi, a reformist journalist who is in jail for the second time, was taken from the notorious Evin prison to a hospital in Tehran. His wife, Fatimeh Kamali, said in a telephone interview Wednesday that her husband had called her in the morning from prison and sounded as if he was barely conscious.

She said he could barely speak and kept repeating himself, but she was able to understand that he said he would have died had a prison official not recently found him. He also asked for his lawyer.

ISNA quoted the general director of prisons in Tehran Province, Sohrab Soleimani, as saying that Mr. Baghi was taken to a hospital but was expected to return to prison Wednesday evening. He did not provide any further information.

Mr. Baghi’s lawyer, Saleh Nikbakht, had traveled to the prison to meet with him in the morning before the phone call but was turned away by prison officials who said Mr. Baghi was being interrogated, Ms. Kamali said.

After the phone call, Ms. Kamali said she and Mr. Nikbakht rushed to the prison, where they

saw an ambulance go in and quickly leave.
Although she and Mr. Nikbakht spent the rest of the day trying to get permission from judiciary officials to see Mr. Baghi, they never got approval, Ms. Kamali said.

Mr. Baghi was jailed in October, when he was summoned to appear before a court to answer accusations related to a nongovernmental organization he founded to fight for prisoner rights, his Web site says.

Prior to the October court date, he had received a one-year jail term for a speech he made in 2004 and a three-year suspended sentence on charges of acting against national security.
Mr. Baghi was in jail from 2000 to 2003 for making allegations about the role government officials played in the assassination of intellectuals in the late 1990s.

Ms. Kamali said Wednesday that prison officials had promised that her husband would call her back Wednesday, but she said he had not called as of late Wednesday evening.

حقوق مدنی

رضا وشاحی

2007-10-09

مقدمه

حقوق مدنی[1] از مهمترین مفاهیم حقوقی است. واژه هایی چون حرکت های حقوق مدنی، جنبش های مدنی، فعالان حقوق مدنی و... امروزه بسیار مورد استفاده قرار می گیرند. در روزنامه، کتاب ها و سخنرانی ها به آنها بسیار اشاره می شود. در پاره ای از کشورها، مثل آمریکا بخش مهمی از تاریخ معاصر آنان با این کلمه پیوند خورده است. بسیاری از قانون اساسی کشورها به عنوان حقوق مدنی هم شناخته می شوند. سازمان های حقوق بشر بر حق برخورداری از حقوق مدنی تاکید می کنند. در این مقاله تلاش می شود این مفهوم و کاربرد آن در وضعیت امروز ایران بررسی شود.


مفهوم حقوق مدنی

برای تعریف حقوق مدنی باید با یک تعریف مهم دیگر در جامعه شناسی آشنا شویم. و آن مفهوم "قرارداد اجتماعی" است. بعضی بحث کرده اند که مفهوم قرارداد اجتماعی برای اولین بار در آثار اپیکور[2]، فیلسوف یونانی قرن سوم و چهارم قبل از میلاد، اشاره شده است: "عدالت، از قرار داد عدم آسیب به دیگری نشات می گیرد"[3]

اولین فیلسوف مدرنی که بر روی این مفهوم کار کرده است، توماس هابز[4] می باشد. در کتاب مشهور خود لوی یاتان منتشر در سال1651[5]، که به معنای غول یا هیولا است و نام جانوری در کتاب مقدس می باشد، به این مفهوم پرداخته است. منظور هابز هم از این نامگذاری این بود که یک حکومت غول پیکر از اجزای مفرد بسیاری در جامعه تشکیل شده است و ساختار این حکومت و نحوه تعامل حکومت و جامعه است که مهم می باشد. هابز قرار داد اجتماعی را حقوق فردی می داند که حکومت می بایست علاوه بر حق دفاع از شهروندان، به رسمیت بشناسد. توماس هابز حق شورش بر علیه قرار داد اجتماعی را نفی می کرد. این مفهوم بعدا توسط ژان ژاک روسو و جان لاک به قرار داد اجتماعی اضافه شد.

ژان ژاک روسو[6] در اثر بسیار مهم خود با نام "قرارداد اجتماعی یا مبانی حقوق سیاسی" [7]، نظریه حاکمیت مشروع[8] را مطرح می کند و از دموکراسی غیر مستقیم، بر اساس نظریه قرار داد اجتماعی، پشتیبانی می کند.

"قرار داد اجتماعی را می توان به این شکل مطرح کرد: هر کدام از ما تمام قدرت خویش را در اختیار یک قدرت کلی(حکومت) قرار می دهد و در مقایسه با بدن، همه ما امتیاز خاص فردی اعضای بدن را دارا خواهیم بود."[9]

پیر ژوزف برودون[10] که یک آنارشیست بود و اصولاٌ اولین کسی بود که این اصطلاح را برخود گذاشت، بر خلاف ژان ژاک روسو، نظریه قرار داد اجتماعی را نه بر اساس قدرت جمع، بلکه به عنوان قدرت و حقوق فرد، در ارتباط با فرد دیگر، مطرح می کند.

"قرار داد اجتماعی در واقع چیست؟ یک قرار داد بین حکومت ها و شهروندان؟ نه این طور نیست. اگر این را بپذیریم ادامه دهنده نظریه روسو خواهد بود. قرار داد اجتماعی قرار دادی است بین یک فرد و فرد دیگر، همان چیزی که جامعه را می سازد"[11]

جان راولز[12] در کتاب تئوری عدالت[13]، بر اساس تئوری بازی در علم ریاضیات، عدالت را آن چیزی می داند که افراد مسایل شخصی را کنار گداشته و به یک اشتراک همگانی دست یافته باشند.

فیلیپ پتیت[14] در کتاب خود به عنوان تئوری آزادی و حکومت[15]، قرار داد اجتماعی را مفهومی می داند که یک طرفش حقوق حکومت است و دیگر طرف آن حقوق مردم. و هردو نسبت به هم حقوقی دارند. فیلیپ پتیت بر این نظر اصرار می ورزد که کار حکومت نگهبانی از آزادی است و حکومت های استبدادی اصولا حکومت نیستند.

براساس آنچه در بالا گفته شد حقوق مدنی را می توان حقوقی بر اساس قرار داد اجتماعی تعریف نمود.

درجه بندی حقوق

آقای کارل وازاک، استاد حقوق از کشور چکسلواکی، که بعد از اشغال شوروی، در فرانسه ساکن شده بود، در سال 1979 پیشنهاد کرد که حقوق بر اساس اهمیت آنها به سه درجه تقسیم شوند. این تعریف به شکل بین المللی پذیرفته شد و امروزه بکار می رود.

حقوق مدنی از لحاظ درجه بندی، همانند حقوق بشر، از حقوق درجه اول محسوب می شود.حقوقی مانند حق کار، داشتن خانه، حق بهداشت، از حقوق درجه دوم هستند. و حقوقی چون حقوق جمعی مانند حق تعیین سرنوشت و حق محیط زیست از حقوق درجه سوم هستند.[16]


فرق حقوق مدنی با حقوق بشر

فرق حقوق مدنی با حقوق بشر یا حقوق طبیعی در این نکته است که حقوق بشر همراه با تولد یک انسان با او به وجود می آید و طبیعی است[17]، ولی حقوق مدنی بر اساس توافق یک ملت است و حقوق بشر همچنین جهانی است ولی حقوق مدنی با ساکنین یک محدوده سرزمینی معنا دارد. حقوق بشر یک قرار داد اجتماعی نیستند. به منطقه خاصی هم مربوط نمی شوند.

البته این به این معنی نیست که مفهوم حقوق مدنی جهانی نیست. حقوق مدنی جهانی است ولی به شکل جغرافیایی تعریف می شود. یعنی اینکه به شکل جهانی چنین مفهومی پذیرفته شده است ولی تعاریف منطقه ای دارد. مهمترین اتفاقیه بین المللی در مورد حقوق مدنی جهانی در سال 1966 بر اساس بیانیه حقوق بشر سازمان ملل نوشته شد[18].

قوانین حقوق مدنی می توانند نوشته شده باشند، یا از قوانین کشور دیگری اقتباس بشوند و یا از رسوماتی نتیجه شده باشند.

اهمیت حرکت های حقوق مدنی برای ایران

حقوق مدنی اگر شناخته شود و به طریق مناسب به کار گرفته شود می تواند بسیاری از تبعیض ها را از یک جامعه بردارد. مثال خوب آن هم حرکت حقوق مدنی در آمریکا بود؛ که به تبعیض های موجود در مورد سیاه پوستان آمریکا، پایان داد. خانم رزا پارک، یک روز در اتوبوس قبول نکرد که صندلی اش را به یک سفید پوست بدهد و این ابتدای حرکت مدنی سیاه پوستان آمریکا شد.

حرکت های حقوق مدنی، البته حرکت های صلح آمیز هستند. خشونت کشنده این حرکت ها می باشد. از دیگر خصوصیات این حرکت ها این است که زمان می برند و در طول این زمان رشد عمیقی در جامعه پیدا می کنند.

در ایران این حرکت های حقوق مدنی می تواند بسیاری حقوق را به ملیت ها بازگرداند. حکومت ها در مقابل خشونت، دست شان باز است و به بهانه امنیت ملی جنبش ها را سرکوب می کنند. ولی سرکوب کردن یک حرکت مدنی، در توانایی هیچ دولت و حکومتی در جهان نیست. مثال اش هم خانم آن سان سوچی رهبر حقوق مدنی برمه می باشد. ایشان با اینکه حبس خانگی شده اند ولی همچنان حضور دارند و شعله همچنان برپاست. حکومت ژنرال های برمه مجبور شد که به فرستاده ویژه سازمان ملل اجازه دهد که با ایشان ملاقات کنند. حکومت سرکوبگر برمه در سالهای اخیر بسیار تلاش کرد که حرکت ایشان را با بمب گذاری هایی مرتبط سازد و در نتیجه این حرکت حقوق مدنی را، حرکتی خشونت آمیز جلوه دهد و در نتیجه به راحتی این حرکت را سرکوب کند.

نافرمانی مدنی، اجتماعات اعتراض آمیز صلح آمیز و اعتصابات، همه گی می توانند کار ساز باشند. درست است که در ایران اعتصابات کارگری و در صنایع مختلف مخصوصا صنایع نفت به شدت سرکوب می شود ولی بازار را که می شود تعطیل کرد. همین بخش خصوصی ناچیز و سنتی می تواند پیام اعتراض آمیز بسیار محکمی، خطاب به حکومت ایران صادر کند.

به جای بمب گذاری و به قتل رساندن احتمالی افراد و همچنین دادن بهانه به حکومت ایران برای سرکوب بیشتر، می توان اجتماعات اعتراض آمیز را صورت داد. وضعیت ایران از رژیم آپارتاید آفریقای جنوبی از این نظر بدتر نیست. در آن دوران رژیم آفریقای جنوبی بر مواد شیمیایی کار کرده بود که فقط به سیاه پوستان صدمه بزند و در صورت تجمع آنان، بتواند آنان را پراکنده سازد[19]. همچنان که جنبش حقوق مدنی آفریقای جنوبی، توانست آفریقای جنوبی را وارد دوره ای جدید کند، این امر در ایران هم میسر است.

حرکت های اخیر جنبش زنان در ایران، به خوبی نشان داد که حکومت ایران از لحاظ حرکت های حقوق مدنی بسیار آسیب پذیر است. بعد از بازداشت عده زیادی از زنان شرکت کننده در اعتراض بر علیه نابرابری های جنسیتی، در مدتی بسیار کمتر از آن چیزی که در خارج از ایران تصور می شد، حکومت ایران مجبور شد آنان را به قید وثیقه آزاد نمودند.[20]



منابع

[1] Civil Right
کلمه سیویل از کلمه لاتینی سیویز به معنای شهروندان گرفته شده است. در فارسی به حقوق مدنی ترجمه شده است. ترجمه لفظی آن حقوق شهروندان است.
[2]
اپیکور فیلسوف یونانی متولد 270 قبل از میلاد و وفات 341 قبل از میلاد. او غایت زندگی را خوشی و سرمستی، می دانست. مکتب فلسفی او به مدت 600 سال بر یونان تاثیر گذاشت.


[3] Social Contract Theory - Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
http://www.iep.utm.edu/s/soc-cont.htm#H1



[4]
توماس هابز فیلسوف انگلیسی 1679 – 1588. کتاب بسیار مهم ایشان لوی یاتان، تاثیر بسیار مهمی در فلسفه غرب گذاشت.

[5]
مصادف با شاه عباس دوم، شاه دوران صفوی. زمانی که هابس قرار داد اجتماعی را می نوشت ایشان به قندهار حمله می کرد.


[6]
ژان ژاک روسو فیلسوف و روشنفکر فرانسوی 1778- 1712. افکار او بر انقلاب فرانسه تاثیر مهمی گذاشت.

[7]The Social Contract, Or Principles of Political Right (1762(

[8] Popular sovereignty

[9] Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Oeuvres complètes, ed. B. Gagnebin and M. Raymond (Paris, 1959-95), III, 361; The Collected Writings of Rousseau, ed. C. Kelley and R. Masters (Hanover, 1990-), IV, 139.

[10]
پیر ژوزف برودون فیلسوف فرانسوی 1865- 1809. او اولین کسی بود که نام آنارشیست را بر روی خود گذاشت.

[11] Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century (1851).


[12]
جان راولز فیلسوف آمریکایی 2002- 1921. از مهمترین فیلسوفان انگلیسی زبان معاصر.

[13]A Theory of Justice, John Rawls, ISBN-10: 0674017722


[14]
فیلیپ پتیت فیلسوف و جرم شناس ایرلندی متولد 1945

[15] A Theory of Freedom and Government (1997) ISBN: 0198296428

[16] The International Dimensions of Human Rights ISBN:0313233942

جان لاک فیلسوف انگلیسی 1632-1704 بر این عقیده است.[17]

[18] http://www.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm


[19] http://www.crimelibrary.com/notorious_murders/mass/south_africa/2.html


[20]
در نوشتن این مقاله از ویکی پدیا استفاده بسیار شد. ویکی کلمه ای است که بومیان هاوایی به کار می برند و به معنای سریع می باشد و پدیا کلمه یونانی است به معنای دانش و اطلاعات عمومی.
.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main_Page

بولتن ماهیانه نفت شماره1

رضا وشاحی


اکتبر 2007

تهران تایمز[1] : فاز دوم بهره برداری از نفت دارخوین در ماه مارس آینده به بهره برداری می رسد.

هدف اصلی از این بهره برداری، افزایش تولید از 50 هزار بشکه به 160 هزار بشکه در روز می باشد. شرکت بزرگ نفتی ایتالیایی ایی ان آی و شرکت نفت ایران برای توسعه فاز اول و دوم این میدان نفتی، قراردادی به شکل بیع متقابل امضا کرده اند. متوقع است که این حوزه نفتی، 1.29 میلیارد بشکه نفت طی سی سال آینده تولید نماید. و سالانه 360 میلیون دلار فروش داشته باشد. حوزه نفتی دارخوین در 30 کیلومتری شمال خرمشهر و 100 کیلومتری جنوب شهر اهواز واقع شده است.


مارکت دی [2] : بلاروس میدان نفتی ایران را توسعه می دهد.

ایران و بلاروس در روز چهارشنبه قراردادی را به اعتبار 450 ملیون دلار، در مورد توسعه میدان نفتی نزدیک مرز عراق امضا کردند. طی این قرارداد میدان نفتی جفیره در 50 مایلی جنوب غربی شهر اهواز، روزانه 400 هزار بشکه نفت تولید خواهد کرد. شرکت نفتی دولتی ویتنام در این قرار داد سرمایه گذاری خواهد کرد. اهواز در استان نفت خیز خوزستان واقع شده است که مرکز درگیری های شدید در جنگ بین ایران و عراق بود. همچنین اهواز محل بمب کذاری های سال 6-2005 بود که ایران کشورهای خارجی را در دست داشتن در آن بمب گذاری ها متهم کرد.


اینترنشنال هرالد تریبون[3] : ارزش قرار دادهای نفتی ایران و چین به 20 میلیارد دلار رسید.

ایران بالاخره قرارداد نفتی خود با چین را نهایی کرد. مصطفی پور محمدی وزیر داخلی ایران در سخنان کوتاهی، در توضیح در باره این قرار داد در پکن گفت که "پروژه های بزرگی روی میز هستند"

پرس تی وی[4] : صنعت نفت ایران موفق به جذب 37 میلیارد دلار سرمایه گذاری شد.

وزیر نفت ایران گفت علی رغم تحریم آمریکا، ایران در دوسال گذشته موفق شد که 37 میلیارد دلار سرمایه گذاری در صنعت نفت را جذب کند. وقتی از وزیر نفت ایران سوال شد که ایران چگونه فشار دولت آمریکا بروی دولت های سرمایه گذار در صنعت نفت ایران را حل نموده، وزیر نفت ایران پاسخ داد که این مشکل آن کشورهاست و به ما ربطی ندارد.

تهران تایمز[5] : طرح تهاجمی توسعه گاز ایران.

حوزه گاز جنوبی می تواند روزانه بیش از 400 ملیون متر مکعب گاز تولید کند. که نصف این مقدار می تواند صادر شود. ایران طرح هایی برای صدور گاز به امارات متحده، پاکستان و هند دارد.


تهران تایمز[6] : هند از معامله خط لوله گاز بین ایران و هند دست نمی کشد.

این روزنامه به نقل از روزنامه هندی ایندیا تایمز گزارش کرد که قرارداد اتمی اخیر بین هند و آمریکا، تاثیری بر خط لوله گاز بین ایران و هند نخواهد داشت. ایران هشدار داده در صورتی که هند وارد این معامله نشود، معامله چند میلیارد دلاری را با کشور پاکستان را نهایی خواهد کرد. در صورت نهایی شدن این قرار داد با کشور هند، خط لوله گازی به طول 2600 کیلومتر بین ایران و هند به قیمت 7.4 میلیارد دلار، تا سال 2010 احداث خواهد شد.

خبرگزاری بحرین[7] : ایران طی پنج سال آینده به بحرین گاز صادر خواهد کرد.

عبدالحسین میرزا وزیر نفت و گاز بحرین گفت اگر گفتگو ها خوب پیش برود، ایران در سال 2012 شروع به صدور گاز به بحرین خواهد کرد. دو طرف در حال مطالعه بهترین راه برای خرید می باشند، که در ان بحرین بجای پرداخت پول به ایران در ازای خرید گاز، از طریق شرکت های بین المللی در صنایع نفت ایران سرمایه گذاری کند و یا مستقیماٌ از ایران گاز بخرد.


تهران تایمز[8] : ترکیه علی رغم مخالفت های آمریکا، از قراردادهای انرژی با ایران دفاع کرد

کشور ترکیه قصد دارد 3.5 میلیارد دلار در صنایع گاز ایران سرمایه گذاری کند. تحلیلگران می گویند ممکن است بخشی از این گاز به مصرف ترکیه برسد و بخشی دیگر به اروپای غربی منتقل شود. علی رغم انتقادهای آمریکا، قرار است آقای حلمی گلر وزیر انرژی ترکیه ماه دیگر با همتای ایرانی خود دیدار کند و ایران و ترکیه قرار داد عمده ای را در زمینه انرژی امضا کنند.



[1] http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=152901

[2] http://www.market-day.net/article_93882/20070906/Iran-Belarus-to-develop-Iranian-oil-field.php

[3] http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/09/14/business/AS-FIN-China-Iran-Energy.php

[4] http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=23375&sectionid=351020103

[5] http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=153410

[6] http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=153325

[7] http://english.bna.bh/?ID=62461

[8] http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=153655

Recent Suppression of Ahwazi Arabs by the Iranian Regime

By Reza Washahi

Recently the Iranians hanged three Ahwazi men and did not announce it till two days later. The execution came just after three days of visiting by Mr Louis Arbour, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights.

The Iranian Government again ignored the international community, including UN and EU, and their calls for stopping the execution of Ahwazi Arab prisoners. The trial lasted only one day without any legal representation. This is very typical and proves the arbitrary nature of trials in Iran.

Mohammad Ali Nawaseri was in prison since 2000, but the Iranian government accused him of being in charge of a bombing in 2005. He was hanged along two brothers, Mohammad Reza Sawari and Jafar Sawari. Their lawyer Mohammad Saleh Nikbakht said they were not involved in armed struggle at all.

With this recent execution, the number of known executed Arab men, alleged by Iranian government of involvement in bombing, reaches 15. More warning signs came in the statement of Prosecutor Musa Piriai: "Some others involved in the bombings are on the waiting list to be hanged”, which means the Iranian government is going to execute anybody who is opposing the government by charging them with being involved in bombings in Ahwaz.

Sarah Leah Whitson, director of the Middle East and North Africa division at Human Rights Watch said “One of the wonders of the Iranian Judiciary is that it can accuse a person of carrying out bombings while he’s in prison,” said Whitson. She added “That lays bare the arbitrariness of his conviction.”[1]
Being on of those nations who have got resources but are not benefiting from it, Ahwazi Arabs are some of the poorest people in the world. According to a recent British Petroleum (BP) report, Ahwaz has the second largest oil reserves in the world. Ahwaz gas reserves are also huge. Ahwaz is able to meet the increased demand of Europe’s gas, for at least 600 years.

But people are so poor that they have to find the food in the bins. If you go late after the market is closed in cities of Ahwaz, Mashour, Abadan and others, you will see Arab people who are looking for remains of food in bins. They do not have healthy water, as result of oil industry, pollution are everywhere. Unemployment is rocketing up. More than 20% are unemployed. The major oil companies are not allowing Arabs to work there because of a secret order from Tehran banning Arabs from most government jobs. In Soviet Union style and the State run economic of Iran more than 85% of jobs are connected to the government, so being Arab means no job and no money.

Cultural pressure in recent months increased. The Iranian government shut down an Arabic bookshop, and they arrested many of them. Ahwazi Arab in general cannot practice their culture, ancient Arabic Music of Ahwaz, “Howeyzeh system” which remains of golden age of Mesopotamia area, extended to Ahwaz, is banned. Arabic dress which is one the oldest tradition cloth in the world is banned. Arabic language, which is the fifth language spoken by the peoples of the world is also banned. It is Loughery that Iranian government always accusing Canadian and US of not treating well, their own indigenous people.

A recent UN resolution[2] is great hope for indigenous people like Arabs of Ahwaz, it states that: “The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples calls on countries to give more control to tribal peoples over the land and resources they traditionally possessed, and to return confiscated territory, or pay compensation.”

Every year, huge area of land is confiscated from indigenous tribes of Ahwazi Arabs, Oil and agricultural land of the Arabs is taken from them. The other joke about Iranian foreign policy is that Iranian government always appears in international community as defenders of Arab lands in Israel- Palestinian conflict, while always confiscate Ahwazi Arab land.

Ahwazi Arabs lost their political authority after Reza Shah, who was thinking Aryan blood is pure and above all nations, annexed the Ahwaz to Persia in 1925. Reza Shah changed all the Arabic names to Persian names. He even changed the name of Persia to Iran, After Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, the Nazi Economics minister, commented on the Aryan origin of Persians, Reza Shah's ambassador in Germany encouraged him to issue the above mentioned decree asking all foreign delegates to use the word "Iran" (meaning "Land of the Aryans") instead of "Persia" in formal correspondence[3]. He displaced Arab tribes and killed many Arabs. His assimilation policy forced the integration of Ahwazi Arabs and is still practiced till this day. In 1941 the British moved Reza Shah from power as he finally became an ally of Hitler.



[1] http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/11/11/iran14560.htm

[2] http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/6993776.stm

[3] The History of Iran, Elton Daniel, p.3